By Alan Davis
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Our aim is greatly to widen the opportunities to receive what is now called “a grammar-school education,” and we also want to see grammar-school standards, in the sense of higher quality education, extended far more generally. (Letter to The Times, July 5, 1958) This policy statement can be seen as a neat way of reconciling two conflicting points of view: on the one hand the comprehensive reform would obviously mean the demise of the grammar schools as separate institutions; at the same time, all the essential elements of what they had to offer would be retained in a different form.
P. Snow attacked (in the final section of his famous 1959 lecture The Two Cultures) as “the rigid and crystallized pattern” of English education was beginning to break up under the weight of its inherent contradictions. Indeed, looking back on this defining moment in postwar educational history, in an article published in 1972, Edward Boyle revealed with characteristic candor that on becoming Conservative education minister in July 1962, it was obvious to him that “support for the development of Secondary Education along comprehensive lines was gaining considerable momentum” (Boyle, 1972, p.
Many historians have questioned whether the British Labour Party was ever truly socialist; it is certainly arguable that Marxist ideology in any meaningful sense was only one of many competing influences in the Labour Party’s formative years. Nevertheless, it seemed essential to form an identity separate from that of the ailing Liberal Party; and, under the influence of such prominent left-wing thinkers as The Origins of Political Parties in Britain 23 G. D. H. Cole, who emphasized the need for effective worker control of industry, R.
15 Studies for Treble Alto Recorder by Alan Davis